DAWN Editorials - 18th february2025
Posted: Wed Feb 19, 2025 6:29 pm
Cholistan project
THE Green Pakistan Initiative took off with the launch of three business franchises under the umbrella project in Cholistan last week. The ventures, which are backed by the military, promise to serve farmers as a “one-stop shop solution”, providing them with high-yield seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, and fuel at discounted rates.
Farming implements and machines, including tractors and drones, will also be rented out to them at affordable prices. In addition, soil testing and other research services will be offered to growers in collaboration with agriculture research institutions in the country to encourage innovation in this most important economic sector upon which depends our food security and much of our export earnings.
The GPI was created in 2023 to “promote corporate farming” to attract Gulf investment in agriculture, introducing contemporary best practices, reducing costs, and increasing yields to boost farm exports. The army has already been given control of thousands of acres of both ‘barren’ and fertile state land in Punjab, mostly in Cholistan.
While the business services mentioned have ostensibly been introduced for farmers of all sizes, and are likely to be extended to other parts of the province later, only large — corporate — farms spread over at least 5,000 acres will likely benefit from most of these facilities due to the cost and area under coverage. With the expansion of business services, the benefits may also trickle down to large family-based growers.
It is apparent that the GPI goals of bringing foreign investors and introducing modern farming practices to improve agricultural productivity and exports are largely aligned with Pakistan’s broader economic aims. However, the manner in which the initiative was launched during the caretaker set-up raises questions.
First and foremost is the issue of the construction of two canals to irrigate land in Cholistan under the GPI’s control. The project approved by the federal government in agreement with Punjab has caused much anxiety in Sindh. Both the Sindh government and farmers in the province are objecting strongly to the controversial plan, pointing out that the schemes were approved without discussion at the CCI for dubious reasons.
Punjab’s argument that these canals will be fed with floodwaters from India-controlled Sutlej does not have a leg to stand on. What happens during the years when there is no flood in the river? From where will the water come in flood-less years?
There is also the issue of evictions of tenants from state land in Punjab in order to transfer those lands to the GPI. What kind of a development strategy or plan would seek to strip thousands of their livelihoods and ignore smallholders? It, therefore, is advisable that the government and the security leadership transparently resolve these issues with all parties concerned before moving ahead with the plan.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025
Right to know
IT is an unfortunate paradox that while on paper Pakistan has some of the most impressive right to information laws, their execution is anything but. Institutional inertia and a culture of secrecy are to blame, according to Fafen’s latest policy brief. It reveals that federal bodies proactively disclose only 42pc of the information they are legally required to share. It is painfully clear that Pakistan’s RTI framework requires more than just well-crafted legislation. Fafen proposes a range of legal reforms — from setting strict disclosure timelines to removing ambiguities in exemption clauses. These suggestions have merit. The current system suffers from convenient escape hatches, with Section 7 of the RTI Act providing broad exemptions and ministers wielding discretionary powers to classify records. The problem, however, runs deeper. The Information Commission’s current structure and authority level is problematic on two fronts. First, as Fafen notes, it functions primarily as an appellate body rather than a proactive enforcer of information access, lacking the authority to enforce strict compliance. Second, the commission’s staffing presents a serious conflict of interest. What should be a watchdog institution has become a comfortable retirement home for bureaucrats, transforming oversight positions into cushy post-retirement jobs. Rather than challenging government departments to comply with RTI obligations, they appear more interested in appeasing officials — perhaps in the hope of securing tenure extensions. As a result, citizens’ right to information is routinely sidelined.
Fafen is right to call for greater autonomy and financial independence for the commission. However, a more basic reform would be to ensure that at least two of the information commissioners come from civil society rather than government circles. These individuals must be properly trained and committed to transparency, rather than simply filling a bureaucratic seat. Additionally, clear performance metrics should hold commissioners accountable for their role in ensuring public access to information. To bridge the gap between policy and practice, Fafen also advocates for leveraging technology. It proposes the development of an online platform where citizens can submit and track information requests in real-time. This would prove useful in keeping track of which ministries are failing to comply with RTI requirements. The stakes are high. In an era where misinformation fuels political polarisation, an effective RTI framework would provide good defence against destabilising narratives.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025
Dam dispute
THE situation in Chilas needs attention and a fair-minded approach so that it can be resolved amicably. Diamer locals are once again protesting over what they feel is the denial of their rights due to the state’s failure to implement its end of the bargain in land acquisition deals made for the Diamer-Bhasha dam. What stands out about the latest round of protests is that it has been joined by religious scholars, tribal representatives, political and religious parties, and even youth organisations, scholars, lawyers, and civil society leaders. In other words, the issue seems to have united a wide section of society in a tribal region, where local matters are usually dominated by internecine conflicts.
The protesters’ demands include land settlement payments for around 18,000 acres of land that have been appropriated as ‘state property’ by Wapda for the dam, the release of a household support package to 2,500 families that have allegedly not yet received it, and replacement land for displaced families. The list of demands, in fact, is said to include 31 points. On the other hand, Wapda says it has already completed compensatory payments for 91pc of the land it has acquired, while the remaining is subject to legal proceedings. It has also clarified that compensation for affected buildings, markets, and other infrastructure was completed a decade ago, and that the household support package payments remain outstanding for only a few hundred more families, instead of the 2,500 claimed by locals. It has further pointed out that locals have not yet vacated businesses they had already been compensated for. This presents a tricky situation, where both sides seem to have good reasons to stand their ground. However, the dispute must not be allowed to escalate, and the federal government should move quickly. Local leaders, too, ought to demonstrate more flexibility. This is a project of national importance that cannot be subjected to narrow interests.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025
THE Green Pakistan Initiative took off with the launch of three business franchises under the umbrella project in Cholistan last week. The ventures, which are backed by the military, promise to serve farmers as a “one-stop shop solution”, providing them with high-yield seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, and fuel at discounted rates.
Farming implements and machines, including tractors and drones, will also be rented out to them at affordable prices. In addition, soil testing and other research services will be offered to growers in collaboration with agriculture research institutions in the country to encourage innovation in this most important economic sector upon which depends our food security and much of our export earnings.
The GPI was created in 2023 to “promote corporate farming” to attract Gulf investment in agriculture, introducing contemporary best practices, reducing costs, and increasing yields to boost farm exports. The army has already been given control of thousands of acres of both ‘barren’ and fertile state land in Punjab, mostly in Cholistan.
While the business services mentioned have ostensibly been introduced for farmers of all sizes, and are likely to be extended to other parts of the province later, only large — corporate — farms spread over at least 5,000 acres will likely benefit from most of these facilities due to the cost and area under coverage. With the expansion of business services, the benefits may also trickle down to large family-based growers.
It is apparent that the GPI goals of bringing foreign investors and introducing modern farming practices to improve agricultural productivity and exports are largely aligned with Pakistan’s broader economic aims. However, the manner in which the initiative was launched during the caretaker set-up raises questions.
First and foremost is the issue of the construction of two canals to irrigate land in Cholistan under the GPI’s control. The project approved by the federal government in agreement with Punjab has caused much anxiety in Sindh. Both the Sindh government and farmers in the province are objecting strongly to the controversial plan, pointing out that the schemes were approved without discussion at the CCI for dubious reasons.
Punjab’s argument that these canals will be fed with floodwaters from India-controlled Sutlej does not have a leg to stand on. What happens during the years when there is no flood in the river? From where will the water come in flood-less years?
There is also the issue of evictions of tenants from state land in Punjab in order to transfer those lands to the GPI. What kind of a development strategy or plan would seek to strip thousands of their livelihoods and ignore smallholders? It, therefore, is advisable that the government and the security leadership transparently resolve these issues with all parties concerned before moving ahead with the plan.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025
Right to know
IT is an unfortunate paradox that while on paper Pakistan has some of the most impressive right to information laws, their execution is anything but. Institutional inertia and a culture of secrecy are to blame, according to Fafen’s latest policy brief. It reveals that federal bodies proactively disclose only 42pc of the information they are legally required to share. It is painfully clear that Pakistan’s RTI framework requires more than just well-crafted legislation. Fafen proposes a range of legal reforms — from setting strict disclosure timelines to removing ambiguities in exemption clauses. These suggestions have merit. The current system suffers from convenient escape hatches, with Section 7 of the RTI Act providing broad exemptions and ministers wielding discretionary powers to classify records. The problem, however, runs deeper. The Information Commission’s current structure and authority level is problematic on two fronts. First, as Fafen notes, it functions primarily as an appellate body rather than a proactive enforcer of information access, lacking the authority to enforce strict compliance. Second, the commission’s staffing presents a serious conflict of interest. What should be a watchdog institution has become a comfortable retirement home for bureaucrats, transforming oversight positions into cushy post-retirement jobs. Rather than challenging government departments to comply with RTI obligations, they appear more interested in appeasing officials — perhaps in the hope of securing tenure extensions. As a result, citizens’ right to information is routinely sidelined.
Fafen is right to call for greater autonomy and financial independence for the commission. However, a more basic reform would be to ensure that at least two of the information commissioners come from civil society rather than government circles. These individuals must be properly trained and committed to transparency, rather than simply filling a bureaucratic seat. Additionally, clear performance metrics should hold commissioners accountable for their role in ensuring public access to information. To bridge the gap between policy and practice, Fafen also advocates for leveraging technology. It proposes the development of an online platform where citizens can submit and track information requests in real-time. This would prove useful in keeping track of which ministries are failing to comply with RTI requirements. The stakes are high. In an era where misinformation fuels political polarisation, an effective RTI framework would provide good defence against destabilising narratives.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025
Dam dispute
THE situation in Chilas needs attention and a fair-minded approach so that it can be resolved amicably. Diamer locals are once again protesting over what they feel is the denial of their rights due to the state’s failure to implement its end of the bargain in land acquisition deals made for the Diamer-Bhasha dam. What stands out about the latest round of protests is that it has been joined by religious scholars, tribal representatives, political and religious parties, and even youth organisations, scholars, lawyers, and civil society leaders. In other words, the issue seems to have united a wide section of society in a tribal region, where local matters are usually dominated by internecine conflicts.
The protesters’ demands include land settlement payments for around 18,000 acres of land that have been appropriated as ‘state property’ by Wapda for the dam, the release of a household support package to 2,500 families that have allegedly not yet received it, and replacement land for displaced families. The list of demands, in fact, is said to include 31 points. On the other hand, Wapda says it has already completed compensatory payments for 91pc of the land it has acquired, while the remaining is subject to legal proceedings. It has also clarified that compensation for affected buildings, markets, and other infrastructure was completed a decade ago, and that the household support package payments remain outstanding for only a few hundred more families, instead of the 2,500 claimed by locals. It has further pointed out that locals have not yet vacated businesses they had already been compensated for. This presents a tricky situation, where both sides seem to have good reasons to stand their ground. However, the dispute must not be allowed to escalate, and the federal government should move quickly. Local leaders, too, ought to demonstrate more flexibility. This is a project of national importance that cannot be subjected to narrow interests.
Published in Dawn, February 18th, 2025