DAWN Editorials - 16th January 2025

[faheemustad]

Peshawar meeting

THE message from politicians regarding Afghanistan is clear: the state needs to talk to the Afghan Taliban, using all channels available.

This was the core point that emerged after representatives of several mainstream and religious parties met the army chief in Peshawar earlier this week.

Those familiar with the lengthy discussions told this paper that the parties wanted engagement with Kabul, whether formal or informal. For his part, Gen Asim Munir observed that the Afghan Taliban “don’t listen to us”.

State media also quoted him as saying that while Pakistan wanted good relations with Afghanistan, the presence of the banned TTP on Afghan soil, as well as cross-border attacks emanating from that country, were the key hindrances in the way of cordial ties.


These developments more or less encapsulate the Afghan conundrum for Pakistan, which has tried both the diplomatic route and force to get the message across to Kabul; neither strategy has obtained lasting results.

However, while Pakistan must defend its frontiers against all hostile actors, the political forces have a point when they say that negotiations with the Taliban must not be abandoned. Some suggested “other ways for engagement”.

Those that have put the suggestion on the table should brief parliament and the Foreign Office on how we can proceed through alternative channels.

Pakistan has every reason to be concerned about TTP terrorism originating from Afghanistan. The last year was a bloody one for Pakistan; most of the attacks are believed to have been the handiwork of the TTP.

Therefore, the matter needs to be taken up repeatedly with Kabul until the threat of terrorist violence abates. Simultaneously, Pakistan must improve its own counterterrorism capabilities so that malevolent actors — both internal and external — are not able to threaten its security.


If the Afghan Taliban are not listening, Pakistan can try giving them incentives to cooperate.

This can include easing regulations with regard to people-to-people contact, particularly medical facilities, as well as removing barriers to the Afghan transit trade. In return, Pakistan must demand that the TTP and all other terrorist groups not be allowed to operate from Afghan soil, and that there is no more cross-border infiltration.

Dealing with the Afghan Taliban is necessary not only for Pakistan’s internal stability but also to ensure that Afghanistan is not isolated regionally.

Recently, the Taliban foreign minister met the Indian foreign secretary. Kabul is free to establish relations with whosoever it wishes; but Pakistan would be making a mistake if it severs ties with the Afghan Taliban, which would allow unfriendly states to strengthen their presence in Afghanistan.

Therefore, while Pakistan must continue to reiterate its concerns regarding terrorism, skilful diplomacy is required to ensure that ties with Kabul do not break down.

Published in Dawn, January 16th, 2025


Cyber circus

PAKISTAN’S cybercrime-fighting apparatus is proving rather good at harassing journalists and remarkably poor at catching actual criminals. With a conviction rate hovering below 5pc, the digital enforcers have mastered the art of making noise while achieving little. The numbers tell a sorry tale. Of the 7,020 people arrested on cybercrime charges since 2020, only 222 have been convicted. Meanwhile, the authorities have shown more enthusiasm for deploying the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act against ‘troublesome’ journalists and activists. The law has become less a shield against cybercrime and more a sword against dissent. The government’s approach to institutional architecture has been equally hapless. In May 2024, it established the National Cyber Crimes Investigation Agency with great fanfare. Seven months later, the agency had been shuttered, its responsibilities shuffled back to the FIA’s cybercrime wing. Such institutional musical chairs hardly inspires confidence. Rather, it wastes resources on administrative restructuring and leaves cybercrime investigators perpetually readjusting to new reporting hierarchies.

The statistics are particularly damning given Pakistan’s digital footprint. With 143m internet subscribers, one might expect more than 160,000 annual cybercrime complaints. The FIA’s own spokesperson admits the number should exceed 200,000. The gap suggests not a dearth of crime but a lack of faith in the system. Recent ‘reforms’ appear more cosmetic than substantive. Police stations can now register cybercrime cases, and some even boast dedicated cyber desks. But without proper training, resources, or technical expertise, these amount to little more than digital suggestion boxes. The real work of fighting cybercrime — investigating banking fraud, thwarting ransomware attacks, and prosecuting data breaches — demands sophisticated digital forensics, trained prosecutors, and clear jurisdictional protocols. Pakistan has none of these in adequate measure. The government’s priorities appear particularly misplaced given the sophistication of modern cybercrime. While the authorities busy themselves with social media posts, organised criminal groups are making hay. The conviction statistics suggest they are doing so with relative impunity. If Pakistan wishes to be taken seriously as a digital economy, it must first demonstrate it can police its digital streets. That means less emphasis on controlling online discourse and more on protecting citizens from genuine cyberthreats. At present, it is doing neither particularly well.

Published in Dawn, January 16th, 2025


Anti-abuse action

IN what is a social minefield for women, the Punjab police investigation department’s decision to deploy 1,450 trained personnel for the Special Sexual Offences Investigation Units in the province — established under Section 9 of the Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act, 2021— is reassuring. Punjab has thrown up distressing statistics for long: a report from the Sustainable Social Development Organisation in 2023 showed that 10,201 cases of violence against women were registered in Punjab alone. Most cases go unreported. In addition to patriarchal societal structures, judicial and institutional apathy, apparent in attitudes and judgements, keeps conviction rates low, prevents reforms in the criminal justice system, and impedes the enforcement of progressive legislation, leaving victims without justice. In fact, the Lahore High Court chief justice recently observed that the failure to implement the anti-rape law allows the accused to go unpunished, and the volume of rape cases now exceeds that of murder cases.

Sexual crimes lead to physical and mental dehumanisation. As the law also stipulates more efficient legal procedures, the authorities should not delay introducing limited-duration trials in special courts for sexual offences. Moreover, many challenges, such as poor resources, pending cases, insensitivity towards a survivor, and the lack of identity protection, contribute to protracted rape trials and distrust in the system. Empathy among officers, rape crises centres with helplines, and a fast-track legal system for women and girls are warranted across Pakistan. The Anti-Rape Act did bring about significant amendments in our regressive system for the safety and support of survivors. Hence, in addition to these measures, arresting the ecosystem around rape, which is pitted against the victim, is equally necessary. The government must comply with the UNFPA’s support for ‘life-skills-based education’ as a prevention method, and advocate bodily autonomy and positive values for youngsters to recognise and forge wholesome relationships.

Published in Dawn, January 16th, 2025