Absent justice
THE judges of the Islamabad High Court had issued an SOS. It was swept aside with customary disdain.
Though five judges of the court had, through a letter, expressed strong reservations about a plan to transplant judges in the IHC from other courts, President Asif Zardari did just that late Saturday. It remains to be seen whether one of the relocated judges will also end up as chief justice of the IHC, as had been feared. Given the government’s bent, it would not be a surprise. It had long been anticipated that the IHC and its judges would be penalised at an opportune time for complaining to the former CJP against the establishment’s meddling in court affairs.
If the senior-most judges are so helpless, what hope does the common citizen have? Who do ordinary Pakistanis turn to for justice, when it is becoming increasingly clear that even those supposed to uphold it do not have any for themselves?
The judges’ fears, expressed in the letter, were never unfounded. The nation had witnessed a capable Supreme Court justice being denied a well-deserved promotion, apparently only because of their refusal to agree with the position taken by the ruling regime in a key case. Other developments — especially regarding the fixing of important cases and major appointments — further cemented perceptions that the judiciary was being consciously remoulded to guarantee the continuity of the status quo. The president’s decision merely affirms the trend.
However, the ruling regime will not always be able to push everyone standing in its path against the wall. There will come a time when reactions will not be limited to mere letters and protestations. The laws of nature suggest that all systems eventually revert to their mean position. And so, at some point, the architects of Pakistan’s present-day policies will confront the consequences of their decisions. How those consequences play out will depend on what strength remains in the state’s institutions.
Right now, all roads seem to lead to dystopia; to an oppressive future characterised by totalitarianism and general tyranny. This may seem like an overly gloomy prognosis to some. Realistically, however, it is difficult to expect much from a system that is gradually becoming completely divorced from any objective measure of fairness. There is a reason justice is such a cherished ideal in all stable societies: it allows their systems to correct course quickly and without incurring painful costs.
Pakistan needs its judiciary to be able to ensure justice for its citizens. Without public faith in its justice system, it runs the risk of accelerated social breakdown. A nation so young and so full of potential should not be bled of its hopes for a fairer future. The gradual slide towards anarchy must be reversed.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
Out of tune
WITH the start of UN World Interfaith Harmony Week, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s call for dialogue, understanding, mutual respect and cooperation among religious communities is a timely reminder of how much remains to be done to promote communal tolerance in the country.
“The groundbreaking Interfaith Harmony Policy and Strategy of Religious Tolerance are now in motion, targeting hate speech at its core, safeguarding every temple, church, and shrine,” he said, while admitting that challenges remained. And these challenges are considerable.
It is no secret that constitutional assurances of freedom for religious groups to practise their faith and of protection for the life and liberty of all citizens ring hollow for many of Pakistan’s religious minorities, who include Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, and Ahmadis among others, forming only 4pc of the population. They exist on the peripheries of society, with many at risk of being targeted by divisive zealots with disruptive agendas and actions.
For centuries, coexistence among different faith groups was hardly considered novel. But in the present times, thanks to the space ceded to radical elements, belonging to a minority sect or group can be a sombre presage of severe consequences.
Pakistan’s communally charged situation can hardly be said to be an unplanned phenomenon; with different rulers at different times exploiting religion to promote their own agendas. This has come back to haunt the country in the form of not only religiously inspired militancy but also vigilantism in society, the misuse of blasphemy laws, forced conversions, desecration of religious places, etc.
Such activities can often be traced to sinister purposes of control and settling personal scores. Small wonder then that episodes such as the torching of Christian neighbourhoods and mob justice for a blasphemy accused are not uncommon. For even marginal healing to begin, the process of accountability must be set in motion for those who spew bigotry and encourage violence from the pulpit. Harmony requires prosecuting and punishing hate-mongers, and formulating inclusive policies with measures to curtail venomous narratives.
Pakistan, as an economic backwater, needs social cohesion for development and political agency. The state should adopt a more aggressive approach to reverse the tide of zealotry and establish a platform for leaders from different faiths to break the social impasse.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
Vanishing lifeline
AS the world marks Wetlands Day, Pakistan’s critical ecosystems find themselves in an unenviable position. The country’s 780,000 hectares of wetlands — nature’s own water-management infrastructure — are diminishing at an alarming rate. The timing could hardly be worse. Pakistan is grappling with a severe winter drought, with rainfall 40pc below normal levels. Farm output, particularly wheat production, could plummet by half. In such circumstances, functioning wetlands — which act as natural reservoirs and flood barriers — become invaluable. Yet Pakistan has managed its 19 internationally recognised Ramsar sites with remarkable ineptitude. The problems are particularly acute in Sindh, home to 10 Ramsar sites. Take Keenjhar Lake, which supplies drinking water to Karachi’s millions. Industrial effluents pour in unchecked, while water availability dwindles. Similar stories plague Manchhar Lake and the Indus delta wetlands. The country’s environmental protection agencies are mere spectators.
This is a peculiar form of economic self-harm. Wetlands provide ecosystem services worth billions annually through flood protection, groundwater recharge, and support for fisheries and agriculture. Their degradation threatens not just biodiversity but also livelihoods and food security. The climate change ministry has made encouraging noises about wetland restoration as part of its drought-mitigation strategy. But we have a history of producing ambitious environmental policies that simply gather dust. Implementation remains the Achilles’ heel. Rapid action is needed on three fronts: stringent enforcement of existing environmental laws, dedicated water allocation for wetland maintenance, and a comprehensive restoration programme. The economic returns would far outweigh the costs. But this requires political will and bureaucratic coordination — both rare commodities. If Pakistan’s wetlands continue to deteriorate at the current pace, the country may find itself facing not just an environmental crisis but an economic and social one too. We better save them.
Published in Dawn, February 2nd, 2025
DAWN Editorials - 2nd february2025
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